The Amish: Technology
Practice and Technological Change
by Jamie Sharp
The Amish view of technology and
technological change is very misunderstood by
modern society. With their plain style of dress,
straw hats, suspenders, and buggies, it is not
difficult to see why so many of us perceive the
Amish as having a hatred of technology. In
reality, the Amish do not despise technology and
even have incorporated many technologies into
their culture. Other technologies, however, have
been rejected completely or used within certain
limitations as a result of deep religious beliefs
and the rules that guide and maintain their
distinct culture.
To
understand the modern Amish view of technology,
it is important to first examine and gain an
understanding of their religious beliefs and
their history. The Amish stem from a sixteenth
century reformation movement known today as the Anabaptist
movement.1
Anabaptists, or rebaptizers, believed that
baptism should be reserved only for those who
were ready to enter a life of faith, repentance,
obedience, and discipline.2 For this
reason, the Anabaptists protested against the
Roman Catholic doctrine of infant baptism and
became enemies of the Church. Like the Roman Catholic Church, however, the Anabaptists
still recognized the three ordained leadership
positions of bishop, priest, and deacon3
The Anabaptists believed, following Jesus'
example, that members of the movement should
practice loving enemies, forgiving insults, and
turning the other cheek. They also believed in
separation from society and the separation of
church and state.4 The Bible was, and
is, literally translated.5 These
beliefs still hold true in modern Amish life. The
Amish prefer a culture based on a community of
the faithful. Families tend to congregate in
small communities such as Lancaster,
PA, and
most Amish have very few relations outside of the
Amish faith. Their children do not attend public
schools, and they do not involve themselves in
the outside world. Those who are not Amish are
considered outsiders and are simply referred to
as the "English.6" The Amish
are extreme pacifists and are exempt from
military drafts.
Though they still
practice Anabaptist beliefs, the Amish are
technically not Anabaptists. Jakob
Amman, an
Anabaptist elder from the Alsatian Church of
western France, officially split with the
Anabaptist movement in 1693.7 Amman's
split with the movement was less doctrinal and
more ritualistic. He encouraged foot washing,
just as Jesus had washed the twelve disciples'
feet, having males grow beards after marriage,
and a very strict dress code.8 The
main difference between the Amish and the
Anabaptists is found in the following of Meidung, or shunning.9
The Anabaptists used shunning as a form of
discipline for those who had sinned and not
repented. A shunned person was, in essence,
excommunicated from the church for a short period
of time and treated as a stranger. Discipline for
the shunned person was rarely extreme. Amman
expanded the traditional usage of shunning. He
advocated the strict shunning of all people who
left the Amish church and those who married
outsiders.10 Amman preached that one
should not buy from, sell to, or even eat at the
same table as an excommunicated church member.11
His rules regarding strict dress are witnessed in
the plainness of modern Amish clothing. All
clothing is sewn at home, buttons are not
allowed, and only pins are used to keep clothing
closed. Women's hair is covered at all times and
men wear plain felt or straw hats when outside of
the house. All married Amish men still wear
beards today, and Meidung is still practiced.
In Europe, most
Amish and other groups of the Anabaptist
tradition were forced to live an agrarian
lifestyle because city life, with its material
indulgences, greed, and selfishness, was not
conducive to Anabaptist values. When Napoleon
Bonaparte
became emperor of France in 1799, the Amish, who
still lived in Alsace, were granted equal rights
with Catholics.12 In return for
equality under the law, Napoleon insisted that
the Amish serve in his army.13 Under
this extreme pressure, and facing the extinction
of their pacifist beliefs, the Amish were forced
to emigrate to America. Most of the Amish settled
in Pennsylvania between 1815 and 1860,
where William
Penn had
granted anyone freedom of religious practice.14
Others settled in New York, Canada, Indiana, and
Iowa.15 Besides finding the freedom of
religious practice that their culture required,
they also found an abundance of land and
excellent soil. The Amish decided to maintain
their agrarian identity here in America.
The most important
factor of Amish life is Gelassenheit, or
submission to the will of God. Gelassenheit is
based primarily on Jesus' words, "not my
will but thine be done."16 By
giving up individuality and any thought of
selfishness, they embrace God's will by serving
others and submitting to Him. To the Amish,
Gelassenheit is seen in all of the following
aspects of Amish life:
Personality:
reserved, modest, calm, quiet
Values: submission, obedience,
humility, simplicity
Symbols: dress, horse, carriage,
lantern
Structure: small, informal, local,
decentralized
Ritual: baptism, confession,
ordination, foot-washing
**
Excerpted from Kraybill, Donald. The
Riddle of Amish Culture. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins UP, 1989, p.26.
The Amish feel
that Gelassenheit should permeate every facet of
their existence, and even be apparent in their
material possessions. Consequently, they will
only selectively use modern technologies. As seen
in the symbols of Gelassenheit, the Amish believe
that using lanterns and the buggies typifies
their lifestyle of simplicity and modesty. Any
technology that does not uphold the Gelassenheit
principles is banned from use. Electricity is
seen as a connection with the outside world and
violates the Amish principle of separation from
society. Electricity also promotes the use of
household items, such as the television, that
allow the outside, "English," values of
sloth, luxury, and vanity to infiltrate the
household. Automobiles are not often used because
they degrade the Gelassenheit principle of a
small, close-knit community. The Amish fear, with
good reason, that these modern transportation
technologies will cause them to spread apart,
much like most modern American families. Also,
the Amish fear that the automobile will promote
competition among themselves. They worry that the
car will become a status symbol and promote
vanity, which is in direct violation of the
Gelassenheit value of modesty. The telephone is
banned from the household because, much like the
automobile, it promotes a separation of
community. Instead of taking a carriage or
walking to a friend's house, the Amish feel that
they would be tempted to simply stay home and
speak on the phone. In order to uphold
Gelassenheit, many modern technologies have been
banned from regular use.
Each Amish
community maintains a list of written or
unwritten rules, called Ordnung, that regulates all
aspects of Amish activity. The Ordnung originated
with the Anabaptists of the sixteenth century as
a basic outline of the faith. Since then, details
and new rules have been added that help define
what it means to be Amish. The rules pertain to
all aspects of Amish life, such as clothing,
child bearing, weekend activities, church
activities, and occupational activities. An Amish
minister says of the Ordnung:
A respected
Ordnung generates peace, love, contentment,
equality, and unity. It creates a desire for
togetherness and fellowship. It binds
marriages, it strengthens family ties to live
together, to work together, to worship
together and to commune secluded from the
world.17
Amish children are
instructed in the ways of the Ordnung at a very
young age. Just as children in mainstream society
learn that breaking the law of a particular state
is wrong, Amish children learn that breaking the
law of the Ordnung is wrong. The Ordnung is not
considered the law of God; instead, it is
interpreted as a set of guidelines for living a
Godly and pious life.
Listed in the
Ordnung are all rules pertaining to technologies
that may or may not be used by the Amish. Many
technologies are banned because they lead to
self-exultation and an over- manipulative power.
The example of the automobile holds true in this
instance. The owner of a better quality
automobile tends to exult his possession,
exhibiting vanity, over those who own automobiles
that are not as good. Using the prescribed horse
and buggy of the Ordnung eliminates this problem.
Everything looks the same and therefore unity and
equality are preserved. Likewise, using a tractor
or combine to plow a field or harvest crops
diminishes the need for teamwork and asserts the
work of the individual. Once a technology is
banned in the Ordnung, the decision is rarely
ever reversed. Therefore, many rules that seem
meaningless or impractical are maintained because
of a deep sense of tradition. In 1978, one Amish
community from Indiana published parts of their
Ordnung rules in order to reiterate their stance
on the use of technology:
Farm with
horses, not with power machinery in the
field.
No rubber tires on implements or buggies.
No unnecessary lights on buggies except what
is for safety.
No bulk tanks or milkers.
No one shall operate cars or trucks.
No electrical generators except for welding.
No lightning rods.
No sinks or colored tub in the bathroom.
The young people shall not run after pleasure
places, have a radio or TV, or watch movies.
No wrist watches, bicycles, no drinking or
tobacco.
**Excerpted
from Hostetler, John, ed. Amish
Roots: a Treasury of History, Wisdom and Lore. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins UP, 1989.
Ordnung rules vary
from community to community. The strictness of
the rules depends mostly on what religious order
a person belongs to. The list above typifies the
Ordnung rules of the Old
Order Amish,
a moderate group in comparison with many others.
The enforcement of the rules depends on the
Bishop, who is charged with upholding Amish
values. All of the rules are designed to maintain
Gelassenheit, unify members of the Amish church,
and sustain their separation from the outside
world.
Forced to
maintain every rule regarding technology because
of their strong sense of tradition, the Amish
have had to find ways to utilize modern
technology without breaking the laws of the
Ordnung. The Amish reservation regarding
electricity is understandable. With electricity
comes light bulbs, ideas through media such as
televisions, radios and computers, connection to
the outside world, and the means to do things
using easier, more modern methods. However,
sometimes using electricity is a necessity. Many
Amish farmers use electric fences for their
cattle, and many older Amish people require the
use of small reading lights. The Amish also must
use flashing electric lights on their buggies as
a warning system for people in automobiles.
In the 1960's, the
milk industry demanded that the Amish store their
milk in large containers that used electric
motors to stir the milk.18 Threatened
with losing their lucrative milk industry, the
Amish were forced to re-evaluate the rules
pertaining to the use of electricity.. The Amish
Church
concluded that electricity could be used in very
specific situations, but it had to be produced
without access to outside power lines and the
current was limited to twelve volts or less.
Batteries were acceptable as long as they
provided a twelve-volt current. Electric
generators could only be used for welding,
recharging batteries, and powering milk stirs.19
Today, solar panels and water wheels are also
used to generate electricity. The reasoning
behind the twelve volt system is that it limits
what an individual can do with the electricity
and acts as a preventative measure against
potential abuses. Most worldly modern appliances,
such as televisions, light bulbs, and hair dryers
use 110 volt electricity, which will not operate
under twelve volt current. Therefore, the Amish
are "safe" from most modern amenities.
The Amish lifestyle and tradition has changed
very little as a result of the electricity
allowances.
When the
telephone first appeared in the late 1890's in
rural Pennsylvania, the Amish did not reject it.
In fact, several Amish families had purchased
phones and had installed them inside their homes.
Trouble soon followed, however, when two Amish
women were caught gossiping.20 The
matter became a church issue and the phone was
banned from household use in 1908.21
Today's Amish are not entirely sure why the
bishops banned phones in the household, except
that they made gossip too easy, were too handy,
and were worldly.22 Today, though, the
phone is seen as very impersonal, breaking down
the closeness associated with Amish life.
There are
loopholes to the phone issue. Though phones are
banned from the household, they are not banned
from being "used." Many Amish have no
problem using the phone under certain
circumstances. Phones are acceptably used for
business purposes, to call for medical attention,
police, or to call the fire department. While the
Amish are not allowed to have phone lines leading
directly to their houses, they can have what are
called phone shanties. A phone
shanty is
a small shack with a telephone located at a site
accessible to multiple Amish families. Anyone
needing to use the phone can walk to these shacks
and use one. The shack inhibits excessive use of
the phone because it is dark, hot or cold
depending on the season, and too far from the
house to be convenient. The Amish can also use
their neighbor's phone if they absolutely must.
They will place phone calls, but rarely answer
incoming ones. The only exception to this is a
business phone, which can be connected to an
individual building and is used more often.
The Amish
have always rejected automobiles. The horse-drawn
carriage is so much a symbol of Gelassenheit that
the car became instantly incompatible with the
Amish lifestyle. The term, "automatic
mobility," suggests a worldliness that is
not acceptable to most. However, if the Amish
must use an automobile, whether to visit distant
relatives, or to travel beyond the range of their
horse and buggies, they are allowed to ride in
one. The Ordnung specifically points out that the
Amish are not allowed to physically operate
automobiles. A driver must be hired to take the
Amish where they want to go. Many groups rent
busses to take them on mass excursions to old
meeting houses or cemeteries. The Amish have also
been known to use airplanes for long distance
travel. As long as they are not operating the
machines, they are not breaking the laws of the
Ordnung. Even though many Amish travel by
automobile and airplane, excessive long distance
travel is discouraged. There is a fear that such
travel will lead to an eventual separation of the
community.
It is
surprising to know that the Amish use modern
farming equipment. The Ordnung requires all Amish
to use horses to pull any equipment while working
in the field. Therefore, many Amish have adapted
haybalers, sprayers, spreaders, and reapers for
use with horses. Also, many modern machines are
operated by small internal combustion or steam
engines that replace the large engines that would
have been needed to propel them. One Amish Bishop
is quoted as saying, "if you can pull it
with horses, you can have it."23
Tractors are permissible around the barn to haul
things and to operate equipment. Chemical
fertilizers and insecticides are also
permissible.
There is a
common misconception about the Amish opinion of
medical technology. The Ordnung actually says
nothing about the acceptance of modern medicine.
Most Amish have no problem visiting an
optometrist for vision correction, seeing a
dentist for a semiannual checkup, or going to a
local physician for an examination. The Amish
usually will not refuse medical treatment for
serious illness. They will take modern drugs, and
will go to a hospital for surgery.
There are
several ways that the Amish integrate a
technology into their society. The most common
way is that a technology will "slide"
in and take its place unnoticed. Minor
technologies, such as the rubber band, have slid
into use without the need of a review. If a
technology poses a real threat to the
Gelassenheit values or threatens Amish
traditions, than the threatening technology is
reviewed at a meeting known as the Ordnungsgemee.24 This meeting
is held semiannually, right before communion
Sunday.25 Here, both church leaders
and members debate upon the ramifications that a
technology will have if accepted into the Amish
society. After the debate, a vote is taken. If
the church leaders are in agreement, the majority
rules. However, if the church leaders disagree
with the decision, the laity are overruled. The
bishops, priests, and deacons, have the final
word. The last way that a technology is accepted
or rejected is by direct word of the bishop. If
the bishop decides that a technology threatens to
weaken Amish culture, he has the power to ban the
technology instantly, without discussing the
problem with the laity. Donald
Kraybill
has discerned that fourteen cultural regulators
determine whether or not the Amish will accept a
technology into their society:
Economic
Impact: If the technology is likely to
create higher profits, it is more likely to
be accepted by the Amish. A mower on a hay
baler is more likely to be accepted than a
lawn mower.
Visible
Changes: A change that is noticeable is
more likely to be rejected than a less
noticeable one. A rubber band is more likely
to be accepted than a Ford minivan.
Relationship
to Ordnung: Changes that reverse or
contradict the Ordnung are less likely to be
accepted than those that are unrelated to
past decisions.
Adaptability
to Ordnung: Changes that are adaptable to
previous Ordnung specifications are more
acceptable than those that are not.
Ties
to Sacred Symbols: Changes that threaten
ethnic identity are less acceptable than ones
unrelated to key symbols.
Linkage
to Profane Symbols: Changes linked to
profane symbols are less acceptable than
those without such ties.
Sacred
Ritual: Changes that threaten sacred
ritual are less acceptable than those
unrelated to worship.
Limitations:
Changes with specified limits are more
acceptable than open-ended ones.
Interaction
with Outsiders: Changes that encourage
regular, systematic interaction with
outsiders are less acceptable than those that
foster ethnic relationships.
External
Influence: Changes that open avenues of
influence from modern life are less
acceptable than those without such
connections.
Family
Solidarity: Changes that threaten family
integration are less acceptable than those
that support the family unit.
Ostentatious
Display: Decorative changes that attract
attention are less acceptable than
utilitarian ones.
Size:
Changes that significantly enlarge the scale
of things are less acceptable than those that
reinforce small social units.
Individualism:
Changes that elevate and accentuate
individuals are less acceptable than those
that promote social equality.
**
Excerpted from Kraybill, Donald. The Riddle
of Amish Culture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
UP, 1989, p.86.
The Amish have a
unique and interesting way of dealing with the
effect that technology has on their society.
Unlike modern America, where people are now
expected to conform to the technology that is
placed before them, the Amish have devised a way
of selecting which technologies are
"good" and which ones are better off
left alone. The Amish view technology as
something that comes second to religion and
cultural identity. If the introduction of a new
technology weakens either of these two key
components, they reject it. Martin
Heidegger
saw the world as conforming to a technological
template, where humans are taught to think and
act like machines. Jacques
Ellul saw
a world where, instead of using machines to meet
our ends, we are used to meet the ends of the
machine; we become second to the technology. The
Amish have avoided these grim realities by
placing Gelassenheit and the will of God above
all else. They are masters of selective
technology practice.
Endnotes
1. "The
Amish." http://cti.itc.virginia.edu/jkh8x/soc257/nrms/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
2.
"Anabaptists," The World Book
Encyclopedia, 1988 ed., Vol. 1, p.450.
3. Gross, Leonard.
"Background Dynamics of the Amish
Movement." http://www.goshen.edu/1onhs/
GCPUBLICATIONS/GROSS.html (24 Feb 1999)
4.
"Anabaptists," The World Book
Encyclopedia, 1988 ed., Vol. 1, p.450.
5. "The
Amish." http://cti.itc.virginia.edu/jkh8x/soc257/nrms/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
6. "The
Amish, The Mennonites, and the Plain
People." http://www.800padutch.com/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
7. "The
Amish." http://cti.itc.virginia.edu/jkh8x/soc257/nrms/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. "The
Amish Movement." http://www.oc.edu/pages/brian.westmoreland/amishmovement.html (24 Feb 1999)
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Donald B.
Kraybill, The Riddle of Amish Culture, p.26.
17. Kraybill,
p.98.
18. Kraybill,
p.155.
19. Kraybill,
p.158.
20. Kraybill,
p.143.
21. Kraybill,
p.143.
22. Kraybill,
p.144.
23. Kraybill,
p.178.
24. John
Hostetler, Amish Society, p. 82.
25. Hostetler,
p.82.
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© Jamie Aaron Sharp, 1999
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