The
Amish: Technology Practice and Technological
Change
by
Jamie Sharp
The Amish view of technology and
technological change is very misunderstood by modern
society. With their plain style of dress, straw hats,
suspenders, and buggies, it is not difficult to see
why so many of us perceive the Amish as having a
hatred of technology. In reality, the Amish do not
despise technology and even have incorporated many
technologies into their culture. Other technologies,
however, have been rejected completely or used within
certain limitations as a result of deep religious
beliefs and the rules that guide and maintain their
distinct culture.
To understand
the modern Amish view of technology, it is important
to first examine and gain an understanding of their
religious beliefs and their history. The Amish stem
from a sixteenth century reformation movement known
today as the Anabaptist
movement.1
Anabaptists, or rebaptizers, believed that
baptism should be reserved only for those who were
ready to enter a life of faith, repentance,
obedience, and discipline.2 For this
reason, the Anabaptists protested against the Roman
Catholic doctrine of infant baptism and became
enemies of the Church. Like the Roman Catholic
Church, however, the
Anabaptists still recognized the three ordained
leadership positions of bishop, priest, and
deacon3 The Anabaptists believed,
following Jesus' example, that members of the
movement should practice loving enemies, forgiving
insults, and turning the other cheek. They also
believed in separation from society and the
separation of church and state.4 The Bible
was, and is, literally translated.5 These
beliefs still hold true in modern Amish life. The
Amish prefer a culture based on a community of
the faithful. Families tend to congregate in small
communities such as Lancaster,
PA, and most
Amish have very few relations outside of the Amish
faith. Their children do not attend public schools,
and they do not involve themselves in the outside
world. Those who are not Amish are considered
outsiders and are simply referred to as the
"English.6" The Amish are extreme
pacifists and are
exempt from military drafts.
Though they still
practice Anabaptist beliefs, the Amish are
technically not Anabaptists. Jakob
Amman, an
Anabaptist elder from the Alsatian Church of western
France, officially split with the Anabaptist movement
in 1693.7 Amman's split with the movement
was less doctrinal and more ritualistic. He
encouraged foot washing, just as Jesus had washed the
twelve disciples' feet, having males grow beards
after marriage, and a very strict dress
code.8 The main difference between the
Amish and the Anabaptists is found in the following
of Meidung, or shunning.9 The
Anabaptists used shunning as a form of discipline for
those who had sinned and not repented. A shunned
person was, in essence, excommunicated from the
church for a short period of time and treated as a
stranger. Discipline for the shunned person was
rarely extreme. Amman expanded the traditional usage
of shunning. He advocated the strict shunning of all
people who left the Amish church and those who
married outsiders.10 Amman preached that
one should not buy from, sell to, or even eat at the
same table as an excommunicated church
member.11 His rules regarding strict dress
are witnessed in the plainness of modern Amish
clothing. All clothing is sewn at home, buttons are
not allowed, and only pins are used to keep clothing
closed. Women's hair is covered at all times and
men wear plain felt or straw hats when outside of
the house. All married Amish men still wear
beards today, and Meidung is still practiced.
In Europe, most Amish
and other groups of the Anabaptist tradition were
forced to live an agrarian lifestyle because city
life, with its material indulgences, greed, and
selfishness, was not conducive to Anabaptist values.
When Napoleon
Bonaparte
became emperor of France in 1799, the Amish, who
still lived in Alsace, were granted equal rights with
Catholics.12 In return for equality under
the law, Napoleon insisted that the Amish serve in
his army.13 Under this extreme pressure,
and facing the extinction of their pacifist beliefs,
the Amish were forced to emigrate to America. Most of
the Amish settled in Pennsylvania between
1815 and 1860, where William
Penn had
granted anyone freedom of religious practice.14
Others settled in New York, Canada, Indiana, and
Iowa.15 Besides finding the freedom of
religious practice that their culture required, they
also found an abundance of land and excellent soil.
The Amish decided to maintain their agrarian identity
here in America.
The most important
factor of Amish life is Gelassenheit, or submission
to the will of God. Gelassenheit is based primarily
on Jesus' words, "not my will but thine be
done."16 By giving up individuality and
any thought of selfishness, they embrace God's will
by serving others and submitting to Him. To the
Amish, Gelassenheit is seen in all of the following
aspects of Amish life:
Personality:
reserved, modest, calm, quiet Values: submission,
obedience, humility, simplicity
Symbols: dress, horse, carriage,
lantern Structure: small, informal, local,
decentralized Ritual: baptism, confession,
ordination, foot-washing
**
Excerpted from Kraybill, Donald. The
Riddle of Amish Culture.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1989,
p.26.
The Amish feel that
Gelassenheit should permeate every facet of their
existence, and even be apparent in their material
possessions. Consequently, they will only selectively
use modern technologies. As seen in the symbols of
Gelassenheit, the Amish believe that using lanterns
and the buggies typifies their lifestyle of
simplicity and modesty. Any technology that does not
uphold the Gelassenheit principles is banned from
use. Electricity is seen as a connection with the
outside world and violates the Amish principle of
separation from society. Electricity also promotes
the use of household items, such as the television,
that allow the outside, "English," values of
sloth, luxury, and vanity to infiltrate the
household. Automobiles are not often used because
they degrade the Gelassenheit principle of a small,
close-knit community. The Amish fear, with good
reason, that these modern transportation technologies
will cause them to spread apart, much like most
modern American families. Also, the Amish fear that
the automobile will promote competition among
themselves. They worry that the car will become a
status symbol and promote vanity, which is in direct
violation of the Gelassenheit value of modesty. The
telephone is banned from the household because, much
like the automobile, it promotes a separation of
community. Instead of taking a carriage or
walking to a friend's house, the Amish feel that they
would be tempted to simply stay home and speak on the
phone. In order to uphold Gelassenheit, many modern
technologies have been banned from regular use.
Each Amish community
maintains a list of written or unwritten rules,
called Ordnung, that regulates all aspects of
Amish activity. The Ordnung originated with the
Anabaptists of the sixteenth century as a basic
outline of the faith. Since then, details and new
rules have been added that help define what it means
to be Amish. The rules pertain to all aspects of
Amish life, such as clothing, child bearing, weekend
activities, church activities, and occupational
activities. An Amish minister says of the Ordnung:
A respected
Ordnung generates peace, love, contentment,
equality, and unity. It creates a desire for
togetherness and fellowship. It binds
marriages, it strengthens family ties to live
together, to work together, to worship together
and to commune secluded from the
world.17
Amish children are
instructed in the ways of the Ordnung at a very young
age. Just as children in mainstream society learn
that breaking the law of a particular state is wrong,
Amish children learn that breaking the law of the
Ordnung is wrong. The Ordnung is not considered the
law of God; instead, it is interpreted as a set of
guidelines for living a Godly and pious life.
Listed in the Ordnung
are all rules pertaining to technologies that may or
may not be used by the Amish. Many technologies are
banned because they lead to self-exultation and an
over- manipulative power. The example of the
automobile holds true in this instance. The owner of
a better quality automobile tends to exult his
possession, exhibiting vanity, over those who own
automobiles that are not as good. Using the
prescribed horse and buggy of the Ordnung eliminates
this problem. Everything looks the same and therefore
unity and equality are preserved. Likewise, using a
tractor or combine to plow a field or harvest crops
diminishes the need for teamwork and asserts the
work of the individual. Once a technology is
banned in the Ordnung, the decision is rarely ever
reversed. Therefore, many rules that seem meaningless
or impractical are maintained because of a deep sense
of tradition. In 1978, one Amish community from
Indiana published parts of their Ordnung rules in
order to reiterate their stance on the use of
technology:
Farm with
horses, not with power machinery in the field.
No rubber tires on implements or buggies.
No unnecessary lights on buggies except
what is for safety. No
bulk tanks or milkers. No one shall
operate cars or trucks. No electrical
generators except for welding. No lightning
rods. No sinks or colored tub in the
bathroom. The young people shall not run
after pleasure places, have a radio or TV, or
watch movies. No wrist watches, bicycles, no
drinking or tobacco.
**Excerpted
from Hostetler, John, ed. Amish
Roots: a Treasury of History, Wisdom and Lore. Baltimore: Johns
Hopkins UP, 1989.
Ordnung rules vary
from community to community. The strictness of the
rules depends mostly on what religious order a person
belongs to. The list above typifies the Ordnung rules
of the Old Order
Amish, a
moderate group in comparison with many others. The
enforcement of the rules depends on the Bishop, who
is charged with upholding Amish values. All of the
rules are designed to maintain Gelassenheit, unify
members of the Amish church, and sustain their
separation from the outside world.
Forced to
maintain every rule regarding technology because of
their strong sense of tradition, the Amish have had
to find ways to utilize modern technology without
breaking the laws of the Ordnung. The Amish
reservation regarding electricity is understandable.
With electricity comes light bulbs, ideas through
media such as televisions, radios and computers,
connection to the outside world, and the means to do
things using easier, more modern methods. However,
sometimes using electricity is a necessity. Many
Amish farmers use electric fences for their
cattle, and many older Amish people require the use
of small reading lights. The Amish also must use
flashing electric lights on their buggies as a
warning system for people in automobiles.
In the 1960's, the
milk industry demanded that the Amish store their
milk in large containers that used electric motors to
stir the milk.18 Threatened with losing
their lucrative milk industry, the Amish were forced
to re-evaluate the rules pertaining to the use of
electricity.. The Amish
Church
concluded that electricity could be used in very
specific situations, but it had to be produced
without access to outside power lines and the current
was limited to twelve volts or less. Batteries were
acceptable as long as they provided a twelve-volt
current. Electric generators could only be used for
welding, recharging batteries, and powering milk
stirs.19 Today, solar panels and water
wheels are also used to generate electricity. The
reasoning behind the twelve volt system is that it
limits what an individual can do with the electricity
and acts as a preventative measure against
potential abuses. Most worldly modern appliances,
such as televisions, light bulbs, and hair dryers use
110 volt electricity, which will not operate under
twelve volt current. Therefore, the Amish are "safe"
from most modern amenities. The Amish lifestyle and
tradition has changed very little as a result of the
electricity allowances.
When the
telephone first appeared in the late 1890's in rural
Pennsylvania, the Amish did not reject it. In fact,
several Amish families had purchased phones and had
installed them inside their homes. Trouble soon
followed, however, when two Amish women were caught
gossiping.20 The matter became a church
issue and the phone was banned from household use in
1908.21 Today's Amish are not entirely
sure why the bishops banned phones in the household,
except that they made gossip too easy, were too
handy, and were worldly.22 Today, though,
the phone is seen as very impersonal, breaking down
the closeness associated with Amish life.
There are
loopholes to the phone issue. Though phones are
banned from the household, they are not banned from
being "used." Many Amish have no problem using the
phone under certain circumstances. Phones are
acceptably used for business purposes, to call for
medical attention, police, or to call the fire
department. While the Amish are not allowed to have
phone lines leading directly to their houses, they
can have what are called phone shanties. A phone shanty is a small shack with a
telephone located at a site accessible to multiple
Amish families. Anyone needing to use the phone can
walk to these shacks and use one. The shack inhibits
excessive use of the phone because it is dark, hot or
cold depending on the season, and too far from the
house to be convenient. The Amish can also use
their neighbor's phone if they absolutely must.
They will place phone calls, but rarely answer
incoming ones. The only exception to this is a
business phone, which can be connected to an
individual building and is used more often.
The Amish have
always rejected automobiles. The horse-drawn carriage
is so much a symbol of Gelassenheit that the car
became instantly incompatible with the Amish
lifestyle. The term, "automatic mobility," suggests a
worldliness that is not acceptable to most. However,
if the Amish must use an automobile, whether to visit
distant relatives, or to travel beyond the range of
their horse and buggies, they are allowed to ride in
one. The Ordnung specifically points out that the
Amish are not allowed to physically operate
automobiles. A driver must be hired to take the Amish
where they want to go. Many groups rent busses to
take them on mass excursions to old meeting houses or
cemeteries. The Amish have also been known to use
airplanes for long distance travel. As long as they
are not operating the machines, they are not breaking
the laws of the Ordnung. Even though many Amish
travel by automobile and airplane, excessive long
distance travel is discouraged. There is a fear that
such travel will lead to an eventual separation of
the community.
It is surprising
to know that the Amish use modern farming equipment.
The Ordnung requires all Amish to use horses to pull
any equipment while working in the field. Therefore,
many Amish have adapted haybalers, sprayers,
spreaders, and reapers for use with horses. Also,
many modern machines are operated by small internal
combustion or steam engines that replace the large
engines that would have been needed to propel them.
One Amish Bishop is quoted as saying, "if you can
pull it with horses, you can have it."23
Tractors are permissible around the barn to haul
things and to operate equipment. Chemical
fertilizers and insecticides are also permissible.
There is a
common misconception about the Amish opinion of
medical technology. The Ordnung actually says nothing
about the acceptance of modern medicine. Most Amish
have no problem visiting an optometrist for vision
correction, seeing a dentist for a semiannual
checkup, or going to a local physician for an
examination. The Amish usually will not refuse
medical treatment for serious illness. They will take
modern drugs, and will go to a hospital for surgery.
There are
several ways that the Amish integrate a technology
into their society. The most common way is that a
technology will "slide" in and take its place
unnoticed. Minor technologies, such as the rubber
band, have slid into use without the need of a
review. If a technology poses a real threat to the
Gelassenheit values or threatens Amish
traditions, than the threatening technology is
reviewed at a meeting known as the Ordnungsgemee.24 This meeting is held
semiannually, right before communion
Sunday.25 Here, both church leaders and
members debate upon the ramifications that a
technology will have if accepted into the Amish
society. After the debate, a vote is taken. If the
church leaders are in agreement, the majority rules.
However, if the church leaders disagree with the
decision, the laity are overruled. The bishops,
priests, and deacons, have the final word. The last
way that a technology is accepted or rejected is by
direct word of the bishop. If the bishop decides that
a technology threatens to weaken Amish culture, he
has the power to ban the technology instantly,
without discussing the problem with the laity.
Donald
Kraybill has
discerned that fourteen cultural regulators determine
whether or not the Amish will accept a technology
into their society:
Economic
Impact: If the technology is likely to
create higher profits, it is more likely to be
accepted by the Amish. A mower on a hay baler
is more likely to be accepted than a lawn
mower.
Visible
Changes: A change that is noticeable is
more likely to be rejected than a less
noticeable one. A rubber band is more likely to
be accepted than a Ford minivan.
Relationship
to Ordnung: Changes that reverse or
contradict the Ordnung are less likely to be
accepted than those that are unrelated to past
decisions.
Adaptability
to Ordnung: Changes that are adaptable to
previous Ordnung specifications are more
acceptable than those that are not.
Ties to
Sacred Symbols: Changes that threaten
ethnic identity are less acceptable than ones
unrelated to key symbols.
Linkage
to Profane Symbols: Changes linked to
profane symbols are less acceptable than those
without such ties.
Sacred
Ritual: Changes that threaten sacred ritual
are less acceptable than those unrelated to
worship.
Limitations:
Changes with specified limits are more
acceptable than open-ended ones.
Interaction
with Outsiders: Changes that encourage
regular, systematic interaction with outsiders
are less acceptable than those that foster
ethnic relationships.
External
Influence: Changes that open avenues of
influence from modern life are less acceptable
than those without such connections.
Family
Solidarity: Changes that threaten family
integration are less acceptable than those that
support the family unit.
Ostentatious
Display: Decorative changes that attract
attention are less acceptable than
utilitarian ones.
Size:
Changes that significantly enlarge the scale
of things are less acceptable than those that
reinforce small social units.
Individualism:
Changes that elevate and accentuate
individuals are less acceptable than those that
promote social equality.
**
Excerpted from Kraybill, Donald. The Riddle of
Amish Culture. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP,
1989, p.86.
The Amish have a
unique and interesting way of dealing with the effect
that technology has on their society. Unlike modern
America, where people are now expected to conform to
the technology that is placed before them, the Amish
have devised a way of selecting which technologies
are "good" and which ones are better off
left alone. The Amish view technology as something
that comes second to religion and cultural identity.
If the introduction of a new technology weakens
either of these two key components, they reject it.
Martin
Heidegger saw
the world as conforming to a technological template,
where humans are taught to think and act like
machines. Jacques Ellul saw a world where, instead of
using machines to meet our ends, we are used to meet
the ends of the machine; we become second to the
technology. The Amish have avoided these grim
realities by placing Gelassenheit and the will of God
above all else. They are masters of selective
technology practice.
Like the Amish selection of technology use,
the are also selective of their financial paths. Many Amish are
quite business saavy and look into savings, investments and the
pros and cons of annuities. They are very resourceful and do
what they can to get by, make extra money when possible and steer
clear of debt. There is much to be said and much to be learned from
the financial successes and plans in the Amish community.
Endnotes
1. "The Amish."
http://cti.itc.virginia.edu/˜jkh8x/soc257/nrms/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
2. "Anabaptists," The
World Book Encyclopedia, 1988 ed., Vol. 1, p.450.
3. Gross, Leonard.
"Background Dynamics of the Amish Movement."
http://www.goshen.edu/˜1onhs/
GCPUBLICATIONS/GROSS.html (24
Feb 1999)
4. "Anabaptists," The
World Book Encyclopedia, 1988 ed., Vol. 1, p.450.
5. "The Amish."
http://cti.itc.virginia.edu/˜jkh8x/soc257/nrms/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
6. "The Amish, The
Mennonites, and the ‘Plain People." http://www.800padutch.com/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
7. "The Amish."
http://cti.itc.virginia.edu/˜jkh8x/soc257/nrms/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
8. Ibid.
9. Ibid.
10. Ibid.
11. Ibid.
12. "The Amish
Movement." http://www.oc.edu/pages/brian.westmoreland/amishmovement.html (24 Feb 1999)
13. Ibid.
14. Ibid.
15. Ibid.
16. Donald B.
Kraybill, The Riddle of Amish Culture, p.26.
17. Kraybill, p.98.
18. Kraybill, p.155.
19. Kraybill, p.158.
20. Kraybill, p.143.
21. Kraybill, p.143.
22. Kraybill, p.144.
23. Kraybill, p.178.
24. John Hostetler,
Amish Society, p. 82.
25. Hostetler, p.82.
Bibliography
"The Amish." http://cti.itc.virginia.edu/˜jkh8x/soc257/nrms/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
"The Amish in Northern
Indiana." http://www.goshen.edu/˜1onhs/Sam
Yoder.html
(24 Feb 1999)
"The Amish, The
Mennonites, and the ‘Plain People.'" http://www.800padutch.com/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
"Amish Laptop."
http://www.geocities.com/Hollywood/Academy/3167/amish.html (24 Feb 1999)
"The Amish
Movement." http://www.oc.edu/pages/brian.westmoreland/amishmovement.html (24 Feb 1999)
Brende, Eric.
"Technology Amish Style." Technology
Review.1996: 26+.
Gross, Leonard.
"Background Dynamics of the Amish Movement."
http://www.goshen.edu/˜1onhs/
GCPUBLICATIONS/GROSS.html (24
Feb 1999)
Hostetler, John,
ed. Amish Roots: a Treasury of History, Wisdom and
Lore. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1989.
Hostetler, John.
Amish Society. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP,
1993.
Kauffman, J.
Howard and Leland Harder. Anabaptists Four
Centuries Later. Scottsdale, PA: Herald Press,
1975.
Kraybill, Donald
and Marc Olshan, eds. The Amish Struggle with
Modernity. London: UP of New England, 1994.
Kraybill,
Donald. Old Order Amish: Their Enduring way of
Life. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1993.
Kraybill,
Donald. The Riddle of Amish Culture.
Baltimore: Johns Hopkins UP, 1989.
Merk, Kurt. Die
Amish People. New York: Peter Lang, 1986.
Nott, Steven.
A History of the Amish. Intercoarse, PA: Good
Books, 1992.
Redekop, Calvin.
Mennonite Society. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
UP, 1989.
Reingold,
Howard. "Look who's Talking." Wired.
http://www.udel.edu/eli/rw4/org/amcell.html (24 Feb
1999)
Schreiber,
William. Our Amish Neighbors. Chicago: Chicago
UP, 1963.
Schweider, Elmer
and Dorothy Schweider. A Peculiar People: Iowa's
Old Order Amish. Ames: Iowa State UP, 1975.
Sclove, Richard.
"Democracy and Technology." http://www.loka.org/pubs/toc.htm (24 Feb 1999)
Useem, Jerry.
"The Virtue of Necessity." Inc. December 1,
1996: 80+.
Zimmerman Umble,
Diane. "Postfix." American Heritage of Invention
and Technology. Spring 1989: 64+.
© Jamie Aaron Sharp, 1999
|